To commemorate the life of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. this year, let’s take a look at one of his most memorable speeches. “Where Do We Go From Here?” delivered August 16, 1967 at the 11th Annual SCLC Convention in Atlanta, Ga.
A link to the transcript is here:
A link to the audio is here:
“I’m concerned about a better world. I’m concerned about justice; I’m concerned about brotherhood; I’m concerned about truth. And when one is concerned about that, he can never advocate violence. For through violence you may murder a murderer, but you can’t murder murder. Through violence you may murder a liar, but you can’t establish truth. Through violence you may murder a hater, but you can’t murder hate through violence. Darkness cannot put out darkness; only light can do that.”
What is your favorite passage?
John Adams, who had great admiration for the Roman republic, had this cautionary tale of Rome as it neared its end,
The Utility of the Union as a Safeguard Against Domestic Faction and Insurrection, also known as The Federalist #10, penned by James Madison deems that “the latent causes of faction are thus sown in the nature of man; and we see them everywhere brought into different degrees of activity, according to the different circumstances of civil society.” According to Madison, “there are two methods of curing the mischiefs of faction: the one, by removing its causes; the other, by controlling its effects.There are again two methods of removing the causes of faction: the one, by destroying the liberty which is essential to its existence; the other, by giving to every citizen the same opinions, the same passions, and the same interests.” Destroying liberty was decided as a cure worse than the disease and it was concluded that a Republic will exhibit more control over factions than a Democracy and a large Republic over a smaller one so as“you make it less probable that a majority of the whole will have a common motive to invade the rights of other citizens; or if such a common motive exists, it will be more difficult for all who feel it to discover their own strength, and to act in unison with each other.”
George Washington’s Farewell Address provided the United States with timeless advice on the dangers of faction and insurrection from within as well as foreign dangers. On February 22, 1862 the Senate began the tradition of an annual reading of the address in an effort to boost morale during the Civil War. I’ll include it’s entirety hear with passages to do with faction and in foreign affairs in bold.
Friends and Fellow Citizens:
The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the executive government of the United States being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made.
I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness, but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.
The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your suffrages have twice called me have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea.
I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety, and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire.
The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious in the outset of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.
In looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free Constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.
Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.
Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.
The unity of government which constitutes you one people is also now dear to you. It is justly so, for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.
For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of American, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together; the independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels, and joint efforts of common dangers, sufferings, and successes.
But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole.
The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and, while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and, what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.
While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries not tied together by the same governments, which their own rival ships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. In this sense it is that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.
These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its bands.
In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations, Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our Western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head; they have seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi; they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them everything they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the Union by which they were procured ? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with aliens?
To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a government for the whole is indispensable. No alliance, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of government better calculated than your former for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the Constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government.
All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put, in the place of the delegated will of the nation the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common counsels and modified by mutual interests.
However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people and to usurp for themselves the reins of government, destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.
Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the Constitution, alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember, especially, that for the efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.
I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.
This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but, in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.
The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of public liberty.
Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.
It serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms, kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which finds a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another.
There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.
It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution in those entrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositaries, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit, which the use can at any time yield.
Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked: Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice ? And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.
It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric?
Promote then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.
As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it, avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertion in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind that towards the payment of debts there must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.
Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence.Who can doubt that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue ? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices?
In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another a habitual hatred or a habitual fondness is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence, frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations, has been the victim.
So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation), facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.
As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils? Such an attachment of a small or weak towards a great and powerful nation dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.
Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy to be useful must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable to become suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.
The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none; or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.
Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people under an efficient government. the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.
Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor or caprice?
It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.
Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing (with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them) conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion, which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.
In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But, if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.
How far in the discharge of my official duties I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.
In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of the twenty-second of April, I793, is the index of my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your representatives in both houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.
After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.
The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all.
The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.
The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.
Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.
Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever-favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.
19th September, 1796
Eagle totem is the symbol of freedom with powerful symbolic meaning of timing, victory, and spiritual quest…helping you to discover your personal power and the route to the destiny of your choosing.” – Presley Love
The American Bald Eagle was the perfect animal to symbolize America at it’s revolution and founding. A country founded by men who exemplified the symbolism of the eagle totem and devised the Constitution with the Preamble that states,
“We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America”
I like to think Law in a consummate form will be simplified to a few sentences. “Do unto others as you would have them do unto you” Considering law in it’s current state and what constitutes legality an “ill Eagle” symbolizes America in 2014 as laws seem to make anyone a criminal.
“The only power any government has is the power to crack down on criminals. Well, when there aren’t enough criminals, one makes them. One declares so many things to be a crime that it becomes impossible for men to live without breaking laws.” -Ayn Rand
The People’s path to discovery of personal power and route to their own chosen destiny is now like a toll road with sovereignty of passage arbitrary and at the whims of who/what can be bought. Only with payment and the proper licensing is it “lawful” to engage the market and earn a living of their choosing. People can only get as far as they have the money to pay with it’s acquisition dictating their destiny. Our Preamble may read like an inverse if written to reflect current events:
We the citizens of the United States of America, for a disorder forming a more corrupt Union, monetize justice, insure domestic unrest, provide a common offense, promote the general dependency, and secure by the monetization of any blessings of our freedoms while indoctrinating posterity, do disdain and pervert this Constitution for the United States of America for profit.
The police, protectors of the law of the land, swear to the Law Enforcement Oath that states:
On my honor,
I will never betray my badge,
my integrity, my character,
or the public trust.
I will always have
the courage to hold myself
and others accountable for our actions.
I will always uphold the constitution
my community and the agency I serve.
The oath is void as soon it is uttered for reasons that contradict almost every line of it. Immunities from prosecution are in place that make accountability all but nonexistent. A conflict of interest between the public trust and the agency incentivizes protection and service of the agency while rationalizing the extortion of the public. A punch thrown towards an officer trained in modern procedure can warrant a bullet to the head. The greater crime being the assailant’s poor decision to physically lash-out not the officer’s poor decision to unnecessarily kill.
Sir Francis Bacon said this about nature and innovation, “For ill, to man’s nature, as it stands perverted, hath a natural motion, strongest in continuance; but good, as a forced motion, strongest at first. Surely every medicine is an innovation; and he that will not apply new remedies, must expect new evils; for time is the greatest innovator; and if time of course alter things to the worse, and wisdom and counsel shall not alter them to the better, what shall be the end?”
The end, by my reckoning, is the Sun burning out or the Earth splitting in two. Civilization can lose progress bringing about another Dark Age, a vicious cycle of man-made suffering will continue if innovations are not made in time to alter with greater goods the evils men do.
We could decide to heed wisdom’s counsel and history’s warnings, forgive transgressions, and sacrifice our ill-eagle and it’s ways to make like the mythological Phoenix rising to life from what is looking like a path to Death.
Buddha is credited as stating that three things cannot be hidden for long: the Sun, the Moon, and the Truth. The idea that truths can be hidden seems to be absurd and an insult to the intelligence of the average citizen who scoffs at such conspiracy theories. Even more absurd would be the notion that the Truth of the “War on Drugs”, 911, the formation and motives behind terrorist groups, agendas to enslave countries are all hidden in plain sight by misinformation and contrivances that serve to sustain the status quo.
To put this in perspective, consider Waldo as the Truth and all the rest of the picture is the misinformation reported by most journalists and the mainstream media. Waldo is on the page in plain sight but the challenge lies in discerning him from all the other details in the picture. Strategies of misinformation where the truth is disguised like Waldo keep the general public unaware and apprehensive of even questioning “official” reports and commissions; ostracizing any who deny their claims and insist on the Truth of matters whose discovery would openly incriminate many trusted public figures.
Martin Armstrong has an interesting article citing the events of 9/11 and how exaggeration is the “golden rule” of disinformation. “The Feds knew what they were up to and allowed it to happen and used it to their advantage. There was plenty of confirmed evidence that they knew what would happen. Did then stand back and allow that to happen? Most likely. How do you cover that up, you simply exaggerate everything to destroy any credible investigation. This makes anyone who question 911 a conspiracy nut job. Perfect cover to hide the truth right in front of your eyes.”
Conspiracy theories happen to aid in masking the truth of matters perhaps more so than crafty contrivances. Many of these theories quickly fail to Ad Hominem when they stray from the principle of the matter and blame the rich, the Illuminati, the masons, the Bilderburgs, the Rothchilds, or just “they/them” causing most to discredit the whole argument.
Ephesians 6:12 states, “for we wrestle not against flesh and blood, but against principalities.” “They” are the people that live to force others into a framework whose guiding principles are egocentric.
John Swinton (1829-1901), former chief of staff at the New York Times, had this to say on the independence of the press in 1880, “There is no such thing, at this date of the world’s history, in America, as an independent press. You know it and I know it.
There is not one of you who dares to write your honest opinions, and if you did, you know beforehand that it would never appear in print. I am paid weekly for keeping my honest opinion out of the paper I am connected with. Others of you are paid similar salaries for similar things, and any of you who would be so foolish as to write honest opinions would be out on the streets looking for another job. If I allowed my honest opinions to appear in one issue of my paper, before twenty-four hours my occupation would be gone.
The business of the journalists is to destroy the truth, to lie outright, to pervert, to vilify, to fawn at the feet of mammon, and to sell his country and his race for his daily bread. You know it and I know it, and what folly is this toasting an independent press?
We are the tools and vassals of rich men behind the scenes. We are the jumping jacks, they pull the strings and we dance. Our talents, our possibilities and our lives are all the property of other men. We are intellectual prostitutes.”
Years later, Edward Bernays, who was actually Sigmund Freud’s nephew, was a pioneer of public relations and is known as the first to draw upon the social sciences to shape the response of a general or specific audience. Bernays’ most influential books include Crystallizing Public Opinion, Propaganda, Public Relations, and The Engineering of Consent. By the titles alone, it is easy to surmise that such knowledge could be instrumental in any endeavor concerning the public. The manipulation of public opinion with strategic employment of misinformation turns “the Truth will set you free” to an inconvenient nuisance.
If that weren’t enough to maintain control of the populace, there is game theory. Game Theory is the branch of mathematics concerned with the analysis of strategies for dealing with competitive situations where the outcome of a participant’s choice of action depends critically on the actions of other participants. In psychology, game theory is referred to the theory of social situations. There are two main branches of game theory: cooperative and non-cooperative game theory. A cooperative game is a game where groups of players may enforce cooperative behavior. Non-cooperative game theory deals largely with how intelligent individuals interact with one another in an effort to achieve their own goals. In this video, Richard Dawkins explains the prisoner’s dilemna, tit for tat, and other strategies with examples from computer programs, World War 1, and the behavior of bats.
Cooperative and non-cooperative game theory appear to both have merits when their principles are employed in the proper context of human experience. Studies show that competition does produce faster results than a cooperative effort where cooperation’s strength is long-term sustainability.
Matthew 7:16-20 provides a trustworthy benchmark for discerning whether a train of thought is good or corrupt that is idiot-proof. Jesus metaphorically uses trees and the fruits they produce to resemble teachings of a predacious or righteous nature. I’ll attempt to compare rules of the game in play as the trees. If the game is good, then good results will follow; and if corrupt, then ill results will follow. A good tree cannot bear corrupt fruit just like a good game cannot have corrupt results. The system as it now exists is corrupted and it’s results are made to appear like good results through misinformation, the exultation of materialism, and the ability of money to buy anything from jury’s to child prostitutes provided this non-cooperative game is played to such successes. The top players have access to Truth, eat it too, and defecate on the future.
Money as the convenient tool for the exchange of valuables between consenting parties and it’s honest operation has been engineered to a new set of rules of which value, necessity, property, stewardship of human rights, the importance of Truth and honest dealings, and the esteem of the People themselves are all manipulable with money and who or what has it. Those who can make out the semblance of Truth present little threat to the status quo where misinformation and vice are the diet and foods for thought of a society where money does all the driving.
“When money does all the driving
No one is steering
Everybody has their six shooters
Playing poker in the backseat
The only thing they agree upon
Is no one touches the deck
and no one touches the wheel
This is empire baby
And this train ain’t stopping until it derails”-Wu-Li
As grim, tyrannical, and conspiratorial as this all might seem; in the grand scheme of things, the movement of Truth and the illumination it brings may be just like the movements of the Sun and Moon; appearing and disappearing from human sight in a predictable manner. It’s natural for misinformation to exist and over time quantitatively overcome Truth until the work of filtering and discarding it is undertaken. It could be as simple as changing the rules of a game. Making the ambition for virtue as profitable as egocentric materialism is made to be now. Alexander Pope once stated that, “men must be taught as if you taught them not, and things unknown proposed as things forgot.” The overlooked rules and principles that constitute Truth could be made profitable. A sequel to the “Age of Enlightenment” could be just on the other side of the horizon.
Adults may be disadvantaged to learn new things and accustomed to a game approaching obsolescence, but the children of the world possess the ability to learn anything they are exposed to; a sacred blank slate that could be the best resource to introduce new incentives and rules into play to transform society into the best that can be presently deduced from history.
“Time is money”. Time is similar to money. Just as inflation over time makes money worth less, the Time we have to spend alive, as we know it, loses value with every passing day we fail to be true to the best that we know.
Truth is in plain sight obscured by all kinds of non-truths just like Waldo is somewhere on the page with a myriad of distractions. If it were too easy to find Waldo, the books would never of sold as well as they did and I would bet the Truth would not sell either if the challenge of it’s acquisition was the same.
Like a horse led to waters that it has lost the concept to drink, current American foreign and domestic policy does not display the Ideals and Values proclaimed today or during it’s independence and founding.
The second paragraph of the Declaration of Independence begins with “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.” As many times as we all have heard these words, some individuals and groups may know and practice their meaning but as a nation we need not go far to show that’s not the case.
A Right is morally good, justified, acceptable, or as Thomas Paine puts it in Public Good, “A right, to be truly so, must be right in itself, yet many things have obtained the name of rights, which are originally founded in wrong. Of this kind are all rights by meer conquest, power, or violence…But in the case of a right founded in right the mind is carried cheerfully into the subject, feels no compunction, suffers to distress, subjects it’s sensations to no violences, nor sees anything in its way which requires an artificial smoothing.”
Liberty is similar in meaning as freedom but they are not the same as described here, “the concept of freedom ignores the concept of obligations, the concept of liberty implies potential obligations.” The primary obligation of Liberty is not to infringe upon the Rights and enumerated freedoms of another. We’ve heard presidents in the past speak of a new world order, yet the global institutions America holds steadfast are of monetary concern.
We have become unconscionable in our affairs as individual freedoms enumerated in the Bill of Rights have not been considered along with all humankind’s unalienable Rights in our venture to bring “Justice and Liberty for all” to the world. A nation of hypocrisy has no right founded in Right to the endeavors we undertake. Even with the supplemental Universal Declaration of Human Rights and Geneva Conventions, three centuries of incredible industrial and technological growth leading to the globalization of our world, and the occasions of bloody war and horrible holocaust we are most likely guilty of the same tyrannical usurpation as Britain and it’s king at the time of our Revolution, in the invariable pursuit of the very same Object: power, control, and material possession as an agent of psychological identification.
A pursuit of Universal Human Rights, Life, Liberty, and Happiness would have led us all to better lives and relations if not for the hypocrisy and infidelity in our affairs contrary to what we say we believe. Instead we have a state of affairs that resembles an economic conquest for Objects ravaging relations at home, abroad, land, air, sea, our concept of Right, and our stewardship of Rights.The values of nonviolence and the Golden Rule necessary to the freedoms of the first amendment have become said only and not done. Unchecked in the People and their Government, the pursuit of Objects instead of Values justifies a terrible creation and enforcement of statutes that forbid liberties. This fictional set of laws is set to accelerate just as the Usury of fiat currency procures Inflation in the name of economic growth.
As president George Bush stated in his 2006 State of the Union Address that “America is addicted to Oil”, we are addicted to the Object and it gets clearer everyday. We bring terrorists and revolutionaries to confront our actions just as Britain did before. The American Dream is not a death-pledge for us or anyone else!
No matter if you’re Christian, Muslim, or simply an addict there is a way to rectify hypocrisy:
“The man who “walks humbly with his God” and is wholly free from guile is a blessed man indeed.”
“Everything rightful has a truth in it and no man will reach the truth of devotion unless he does not wish to be praise for what he has done for the sake of God.
You should recite Dua in secret and always seek a private place, for retirement repels hypocrisy. Nevertheless, if you are among people, you have to preserve your devotion which can not be attained except by getting to know:
1- God and the fact that everything is in His hand.
2- People and the fact that nothing is in their hand.
3- Human dignity, honor and endeavor.
It is in this case that people will not be important to you.”
Or as steps 4-9 of the 12 steps indicate, “Made a searching and fearless moral inventory of ourselves, Admitted to God, to ourselves and to another human being the exact nature of our wrongs, Were entirely ready to have God remove all these defects of character, Humbly asked God to remove our shortcomings, Made a list of all persons we had harmed, and became willing to make amends to them all, Made direct amends to such people wherever possible, except when to do so would injure them or others.” God, of course, as it is understood on an individual level.
We have a vast array of sources to derive inspiration that is right founded on right, although mainstream media would draw it’s focus on right founded from wrong, one only has to seek truth to find it.
I’ll close with an excerpt from Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s “Where Do We Go From Here” speech and the poem by Emma Lazurus that adorns the Statue of Liberty.
“I’m concerned about a better world. I’m concerned about justice; I’m concerned about brotherhood; I’m concerned about truth. And when one is concerned about that, he can never advocate violence. For through violence you may murder a murderer, but you can’t murder murder. Through violence you may murder a liar, but you can’t establish truth. Through violence you may murder a hater, but you can’t murder hate through violence. Darkness cannot put out darkness; only light can do that.”
Not like the brazen giant of Greek fame,
With conquering limbs astride from land to land;
Here at our sea-washed, sunset gates shall stand
A mighty woman with a torch, whose flame
Is the imprisoned lightning, and her name
Mother of Exiles. From her beacon-hand
Glows world-wide welcome; her mild eyes command
The air-bridged harbor that twin cities frame.
“Keep ancient lands, your storied pomp!” cries she
With silent lips. “Give me your tired, your poor,
Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free,
The wretched refuse of your teeming shore.
Send these, the homeless, tempest-tost to me,
I lift my lamp beside the golden door!”
First off, I would like to thank ~Sineh~ for his 2011 blog on these cartoons on the political landscape of the early 20th century where I first came across these.
Please note the Aldritch Plan was the Republican’s National Reserve Association that was to be replaced by the Democrat’s Federal Reserve System with the Wilson Administration.
3. The Tyranny of and by the False Left Right Paradigm incurs incredible amounts of deficits to enslave future generations to pay interest to the Bankers/Wall Street; under the guise of funding basic (unnecessary) bureaucratic services:
The semblance of the future portrayed by these cartoons of the early 20th century is uncanny to how the false left/right paradigm continues with the brain children of these policies into the 21st century.
There is no bill congress can present or executive order the president can sign that will successfully combat income inequality and pursue oppurtunity for all without addressing the Federal Reserve System itself first. Then the rest can and will follow.
What say you?
I’d like to begin with a brief history of political mascots but by the end of this I’d like to illustrate firm reasonings that neither party is capable of little else but perpetuating and accentuating over time the inherent flaws of the monetary system. The history behind this is a bit long and even confusing but I believe it to be necessary and I hope you, the reader, thinks so too and I thank you for doing so.
The donkey and the elephant have been the political mascots of the Democrats (donkey) and the Republicans (elephant) since the 1800’s. The first instance being opponents of Andrew Jackson referring to him as a jackass which he co-opted the insult by putting the donkey on his election posters.
The elephant representing Republicans didn’t come about until the political cartoon seen above titled ” the third term panic” by Thomas Nast where the elephant is being frightened off a cliff toward inflation and chaos. If I’m not mistaken, that is what Republicans today say about Democrats and spending!
The beginnings of the political parties themselves go back earlier to the time before the ratification of the Constitution with the essays of the federalists and anti-federalists. With the ratification of the Constitution, being an anti-federalist became a misnomer as the oath of office essentially made everyone federalists. However, those who served in the first four Congresses (1789-1797) can be thought of as being either Administration (that is, generally allied with those around Secretary of the Treasury Alexander Hamilton and Vice President John Adams) or Opposition (those generally associated with Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson and Congressman James Madison). It is important to note that George Washington’s presidency was one of “factions” and not “parties”.
By the beginning of the fifth Congress, political parties had emerged as Federalists, those who had supported the policies of the Washington Administration (a strong national government as a counterweight to the States), and Republicans, those who had been in Opposition (who felt that defending the sovereignty of the States against encroachments by the Federal Government was a truer essence of the federal republic known as the United States of America). The word Democrat also came in use at this time as a derisive term for Republicans by the Federalists (a term which, at the time, had connotations of the mob rule associated with the then-still very recent Reign of Terror following the French Revolution of 1789), although many political historians refer to Republicans of this era as “old” or Jeffersonian Republicans.
Into the 19th and 20th Congresses, two factions of Republicans had formed, the Adams (John Quincy) Republicans and the Jackson (Andrew) Republicans. By the 21st Congress, the one-time Jackson Republicans became known as Democratic Republicans and the one-time Adams Republicans became known as National Republicans. The Democratic Republicans took their name from their identification with the democracy they urged on behalf of the “common man”.
With the 24th Congress the Democratic Republicans became generally known as Democrats and the National Republicans generally known as Whigs. These 19th century American Whigs saw themselves as being a bulwark against the “excesses” of the administration of “King Andrew” Jackson (during the American Revolution patriots were referred to as Whigs and those loyal to England as Tories).
The Whig party eventually dissolved largely over the issue of slavery and by the 34th Congress the Democratic and Republican parties as they are called to this day have dominated the voting booths.
However, the ideologies of the Democrats and Republicans of the 34th Congress differ from the ideologies of the Democrats and Republicans of the 113th Congress in disturbing ways. Just read the Democratic platform as it existed in 1856 and the strict attention stressed on money and the banking institution:
“7. That Congress has no power to charter a national bank; that we believe such an institution one of deadly hostility to the best interests of the country, dangerous to our republican institutions and the liberties of the people, and calculated to place the business of the country within the control of a concentrated money power, and above the laws and the will of the people. ”
“8. That the separation of the moneys of the Government from banking institutions is indispensable for the safety of the funds of the Government and the rights of the people.”
” 9. That we are decidedly opposed to taking from the President the qualified veto power, by which he is enabled, under restrictions and responsibilities amply sufficient to guard the public interests, to suspend the passage of a bill whose merits cannot secure the approval of two-thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, until the judgment of the people can be obtained thereon, and which has saved the American people from the corrupt and tyrannical domination of the Bank of the United States, and from a corrupting system of general internal improvements.”
Some excerpts of the Republican platform are as follows:
“That we deny the authority of Congress, of a Territorial Legislation, of any individual, or association of individuals, to give legal existence to Slavery in any Territory of the United States, while the present Constitution shall be maintained.”
“That the Constitution confers upon Congress sovereign powers over the Territories of the United States for their government; and that in the exercise of this power, it is both the right and the imperative duty of Congress to prohibit in the Territories those twin relics of barbarism–Polygamy, and Slavery.”
“…the dearest Constitutional rights of the people of Kansas have been fraudulently and violently taken from them.
Their Territory has been invaded by an armed force;
Spurious and pretended legislative, judicial, and executive officers have been set over them, by whose usurped authority, sustained by the military power of the government, tyrannical and unconstitutional laws have been enacted and enforced;
The right of the people to keep and bear arms has been infringed.
Test oaths of an extraordinary and entangling nature have been imposed as a condition of exercising the right of suffrage and holding office.
The right of an accused person to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury has been denied;
The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, has been violated;
They have been deprived of life, liberty, and property without due process of law;
That the freedom of speech and of the press has been abridged;
The right to choose their representatives has been made of no effect;
Murders, robberies, and arsons have been instigated and encouraged, and the offenders have been allowed to go unpunished…and that it is our fixed purpose to bring the actual perpetrators of these atrocious outrages and their accomplices to a sure and condign punishment thereafter.”
The Democratic platform of 2012 reads just like a sales pitch complete with slogan in the header and testimonials throughout.
“In early 2009, the auto industry was collapsing. Our plant shut down and I was laid off. And, like so many of us, I was scared. But then President Obama bet on the American worker and rescued America’s auto industry, and it’s paying off for our economy and our country. The plant opened its doors again, so I got my job – and my pride – back. That’s a great American comeback story.” – Ina Sydney
The Republican platform of 2012 is more poetic and thankfully lacks the testimonials but does contain a slogan and its own inadequacies.
In the fourth paragraph of the Democrat platform is the first mention of Mitt Romney. In the second paragraph we find Al-Queda and 911. I wonder, why begin like this? This is no title bout or a place to put religious extremists or half-investigated “terror” attacks as the first order of business.
The Republicans take a pronounced stance to uphold the constitution and America’s founding principles and then “rewrite” several Amendments of the Bill of Rights.
The first amendment: Speech that is protected
The second amendment with a lengthy paragraph to follow of all the idiosyncracies of gun legislation with not one mention of a well regulated militia.
Both parties regard economy in a false sense, “growth” in terms of a class of people rather than sustainable practices of our financial interaction and industrial capabilities.
Has the “money power” mentioned by the 1856 Democrats done what they said it would do, become a “danger to our republican institutions and the liberties of the people, and calculate to place the business of the country within the control of a concentrated money power, and above the laws and the will of the people”?
And it has provided us with two main parties of candidates every election cycle that operate within an ideological box where the Republicans set it up and the Democrats fill it. They both are incapable of approaching in a solvable manner modern problems; their rhetoric and records show it.
Federal and consumer debt rise regardless of party control. Waste particularly of products has risen regardless of party control. The rate of incarceration rate has increased regardless of party control. This is the yield of a ravished political landscape where political platforms say 10 times as much, mean less than half, and do even less.
We can be thankful the “disasters” each say of the other move no faster than they do and are still rectifiable.
The “money powers” agent, inflation, ” is a man-made scourge, made possible by the fact that most men do not understand it. It is a crime committed on so large a scale that its size is its protection: the integrating capacity of the victims’ minds breaks down before the magnitude—and the seeming complexity—of the crime, which permits it to be committed openly, in public. For centuries, inflation has been wrecking one country after another, yet men learn nothing, offer no resistance, and perish—not like animals driven to slaughter, but worse: like animals stampeding in search of a butcher.” As put by Ayn Rand.
I’ll end with my favorite line from a movie called “Waking Life”.
“You can’t fight city hall, death and taxes. Don’t talk about politics or religion. This is all the equivalent of enemy propaganda rolling across the picket line ” Lay down, G.I. Lay down, G.I.” We saw it all through the 20th Century. And now in the 21st Century, it’s time to stand up and realize…that we should not allow ourselves to be crammed into this rat maze. We should not submit to dehumanisation. I don’t know about you, but I’m concerned with what’s happening in this world. I’m concerned with the structure. I’m concerned with the systems of control, those that control my life and those that seek to control it even more! I want freedom! That’s what I want! And that’s what you should want! It’s up to each and every one of us to turn loose and just shovel the greed, the hatred, the envy and, yes, the insecurities…
because that is the central mode of control– make us feel pathetic, small…so we’ll willingly give up our sovereignty, our liberty, our destiny.
We have got to realize that we’re being conditioned on a mass scale. Start challenging this corporate slave state! The 21st Century is gonna be a new century, not the century of slavery, not the century of lies and issues of no significance…and classism and statism and all the rest of the modes of control! It’s gonna be the age of humankind… standing up for something pure and something right! What a bunch of garbage– liberal Democrat, conservative Republican. It’s all there to control you. Two sides of the same coin. Two management teams bidding for control!
The C.E.O. job of Slavery, Incorporated!
The truth is out there in front of you, but they lay out this buffet of lies! I’m sick of it, and I’m not gonna take a bite out of it! Do you got me?
Resistance is not futile. We’re gonna win this thing. Humankind is too good! We’re not a bunch of underachievers! We’re gonna stand up and we’re gonna be human beings! We’re gonna get fired up about the real things, the things that matter: creativity and the dynamic human spirit that refuses to submit!” -driving megaphone guy